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November 30, 1999

The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Re: U.S. Policy Toward Greece, Cyprus and Turkey

Dear Mr. President,

On November 13, 1999 and from November 15-16, 1999 respectively, the American Hellenic Institute (AHI) held its inaugural conferences in Nicosia and Athens. Our purpose in doing so was that we have long felt that misunderstandings about the American foreign policy process sometimes undermine what are otherwise good relations between the U.S. and Greece and Cyprus. By providing details of this complex policy process, we hoped we would reduce the scope for future misunderstandings.

I am glad to record that the conferences represented a solid first step to achieving our purpose. The AHI chapter in Athens under the leadership of Mr. Costas Ioannou, former Chairman of Goodyear Hellas, organized the Athens conference. He received exemplary cooperation from the U.S. Embassy and from our outstanding Ambassador in Athens, Mr. Nicholas Burns, who opened the conference and later hosted a reception at his residence.

In Cyprus, we co-operated with Intercollege, a local university, and have now decided to establish an AHI chapter there and we plan to hold regular future events in both countries. These will be designed to highlight the benefits to the U.S. from strong and positive relationships with both countries.

My strong sense from my discussions in Athens and Nicosia is that both countries are exceptionally well positioned to play full partnership roles alongside the U.S. in the region. Both are vigorous and stable democracies with a substantial cross-party consensus on the major issues of the day. In a region of fragile or faltering democracies, they stand out as shining beacons and exemplars of the benefits of democratic governance. Both enjoy flourishing economies; as such, they are sources of much needed capital for regional reconstruction and development. Both have a long tradition of commercial entrepreneurship and international engagement.

In contrast to so much else of the region, Greece and Cyprus are active generators of regional wealth and prosperity rather than passive recipients of western largess. In combination, these factors suggest that the best way to achieve regional regeneration and stability is to base our regional approach around close relationships with Greece and Cyprus.

I was glad to note from your remarks in Athens in November 19 that you share this sense of optimism and opportunity. Your description of Greece as the "powerhouse of Southeast Europe" precisely accords with AHI's long-standing argument that Greece is the pivotal nation in the region for U.S. interests. I also welcome your remarks to the Turkish Parliament about the potential for regional stability represented by the easing of tensions between Greece and Turkey. I was happy to note your renewed commitment in your press conference with Turkish President Suleiman Demirel to U.S. efforts to end the division of Cyprus.

Mr. President, fine words are only half the battle. The time is long overdue for the U.S. to deploy imaginative and vigorous diplomacy so that we can capitalize on this moment of opportunity. My conversations during our conferences convince me that Greece and Cyprus are ready to take the necessary risks to facilitate progress on long-standing regional problems. This is a very positive factor. I was, however, repeatedly pressed on two important questions:

1. whether Turkey is ready to reciprocate; and
2. whether the U.S. is really committed to regional peace-making to the extent of taking firm measures with Turkey should the latter obstruct progress over Cyprus and the Aegean territorial issues.

Underlying these concerns (for which we have a great deal of sympathy) is their long-standing suspicion that the U.S. operates a double standard in Turkey's favor to the disadvantage of Greece and Cyprus. Consider the following examples (there are many others):

• In 1990-91 for example, the US took vigorous action to put and end to Iraq's invasion and occupation of Kuwait, whereas over Cyprus, the U.S. tolerates (or worse facilitates) Turkey's 25 year old occupation, Turkey's refusal to abide by successive UN Security Council resolutions and Turkey's refusal to respond to judgments of the European Court of Human Rights;
• The U.S. advocates respect for international law yet connives in Turkey's refusal to accept the maritime borders between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean as established by international treaty and customary international law; and
• The U.S. places democracy building at the center of its foreign policy and in your remarks you drew welcome attention to the unfortunate U.S. toleration of the Greek junta. When it comes to Turkey, however, the Administration overlooks the pervasive influence of the Turkish military over Turkey's government and makes light of the Turkey's horrendous record of anti-democratic practices and human rights abuses against its citizens in general and in particular its 20% Kurdish minority as set out by the State Department's annual human rights report and reports of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others.

So long as this U.S. double standard continues, Turkey will believe that it will not have to pay a price for its intransigence on regional problems, manifested most recently by unacceptable conditions for a Cyprus settlement and renewed claims of territorial 'gray areas' in the Aegean. And so long as Turkey's intransigence continues the prospects for regional progress will be minimal. This would be a tragedy for all concerned, most notably Turkey whose aspirations for making the leap from its present set of stultifying problems to become a mainstream modern democracy will be once again placed on hold.

Mr. President, your remarks in Greece indicate that, in terms of rhetoric, there is a strong convergence between stated U.S. policy and those Greece and Cyprus. For example, you described the continuing division of Cyprus as "unacceptable." Now is the time to turn this rhetoric into reality. In practical terms, this means indicating to Turkey that further obstructionism on Cyprus and the Aegean will come at a price for U.S.-Turkey relations.

You will undoubtedly come under pressure from the handful in the U.S. foreign policy bureaucracy who have driven U.S. policy toward Turkey to shy away from such action. On behalf of all AHI members and supporters who are working hard for regional rapprochement, I can confidently say that capitulating to that bureaucracy would be an historic error.

There is and has been a palpable longing and readiness in Greece and Cyprus for resolving age-old problems with Turkey. But neither Greece nor Cyprus can achieve this by itself. The U.S. is an indispensable partner. This is why I urge you to overrule the perpetual nay-sayers within the bureaucracy. By doing this, you would set the stage for a real breakthrough in problems which have defeated previous Administrations and thus earn yourself a high place in the history of this country's foreign policy.

The moment of truth arrives in the opening of the proximity talks on Cyprus in December. In Cyprus and with Greece's support there is a strong consensus for resolving the problem on fair and reasonable terms. The key is U.S. policy and our willingness to signal clearly to Turkey that its intransigence and obstructionism must end. I am writing separately to you on this matter.

If you can draw on this opportunity to resolve the Cyprus problem and Turkey's irredentism in the Aegean, the gains for regional stability will be immense. As I have said earlier, my conversations in Athens and Nicosia demonstrate that Greece and Cyprus have an enormous amount to offer us in terms of regional wealth creation and democracy building. These are prime American values and interests. We must make the most of this historic opportunity by listening to our true friends among the Greek and Cypriot democracies and signaling to the anti-democratic militarists in Turkey that the era of US toleration of them is once and for all at an end.

MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMRespectfully,

MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMEugene T. Rossides

cc: Members of the Congress
Vice President Albert Gore, Jr.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
Secretary of Defense William Cohen
Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Marc Grossman
U.S. Ambassadors to Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and NATO
Assistant to the President on National Security Affairs Samuel Berger
Candidates for the Presidency in 2000

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